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« on: October 06, 2013, 08:19:22 pm »
zation, he says, the leadership is afraid to abandon outdated doctrines of socialism and party supremacy.Economically, the tinkering reforms of party chief Jiang Zemin have failed to address the major economic dislocations arising since China began freeing market forces in its stateplanned system in 1978, Chang argues. Faced with growing unemployment, chronic losses by state firms, and an ailing state banking system, Jiang is unwilling to fully privatize the economy. Instead, the party maintains a plodding, Sovietinspired planning regime that continues to constrain economic efficiency.Politically, Jiang has stalled moves toward democracy, Chang says. On the contrary, he has intensified repression of a wide spectrum of groups  from the Falun Gong spiritual movement, to democracy activists, to ethnic minorities  that openly protest for their rights. As a result, resentment is growing, both among persecuted groups and among a general public angry over rampant corruption and other official abuses.Ultimately, China's
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 military coup cut short an emerging system of decentralized political rule in 1961. But that period was so shortlived and chaotic that observers like Mr. Cho prefer to take the long view.To some Koreans, the local races are yet further evidence of South Korea's right to claim a place in the top tier of nations. Since the 195053 Korean War, the country has developed a dynamic industrial base. Per capita income is about to reach $10,000 a year, where in 1962 it was $83. In 1992, South Koreans elected President Kim Young Sam, the first popularly chosen civilian leader in more than three decades.Korea is on the threshold of being an advanced country, says Ha Soon Bong, a rulingparty legislator. Economic prosperity is very important, but in addition to that we are required to establish democratic political and social systems.President Kim hopes the balloting will be a glistening milestone in the history of Korean democracy and national development, but critics say he is accentuating the historical import of the polls
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 e marches with its 16 arches across the longest continuous extent of water covered by any medieval bridge  1,692 feet.Bridges can sometimes be bones of contention. The old Turkish bridge in Mostar, Bosnia, lasted from 1566 to 1993, when it was blown up. Its stones are now being salvaged. If rebuilt, it will become a farfromfacile symbol of a more stable future for that torn patch on the world. Burning bridges, that archetypal gesture of conflict, must finally have its corollary in mending them.Pausing on a bridge is a kind of balm. I stopped the car in Dorset one recent Sunday morning and strolled onto a medieval bridge, now bypassed by traffic. A man was reading his paper in one of the bridge's recesses. I chose another (these recesses are at the upper end of the cutwaters that project from the stone piers of medieval bridges) and ate a homemade bun in the sun. A pair of swans, their necks up like periscopes, let the current carry them away under me.Some people love old bridges but seem unmoved by more recent sp
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 ye to deviations from wage contracts in eastern Germany because they're reasonable.Now soccer may become the icebreaker between the United States and Iran when their respective men's national teams meet Sunday afternoon at Pasadena's venerable Rose Bowl.The game has riveted the attention of southern California's huge Iranian community (at 500,000 to 1 million, it's the largest outside Iran itself) as much because it may lead to rapprochement between the two countries as because soccer is their favorite sport.This is not just a game, says Nayereh Tohidi, a sociologist at California State University, Northridge. It's the start of something positive.The stage was set by a match between the two countries in Lyon, France, during 1998 World Cup competition when, despite a hardfought 21 Iranian victory, the sportsmanship, respect, and evident good feeling between the teams had an electric effect even on nonfans in both nations.In what came to be called the football revolution, thousands of young Iranians poured into Teh
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